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election denial is a popular tool used by election losers to challenge democratic processes, often with harmful consequences for political stability. while some research suggests that actual fraud serves as a focal point for protest, other work emphasizes citizens’ perceptions of fraud and partisanship. this study contributes to the debate by pointing to a possible mechanism for why fraud perceptions

political militias are active in most civil wars, yet their impact on peace processes is largely overlooked. building on principal-agent logic, we argue that the incentives to delegate violence to political militias have downstream consequences for the likelihood of peace negotiations. on one hand, battlefield violence by militias can complicate the bargaining. on the other hand, the higher use of

how and why do incumbents use local elections as tools for subverting democracy and establishing party dominance? integrating literatures on political violence and decentralization, this article argues that incumbents use violence to engineer non-contestation among opposition actors in local elections. drawing on the strength of local networks, incumbents prioritize their own strongholds for such violence

despite the high incidence of farmer–herder conflicts in nigeria, large-n quantitative research on the religious dimension of these conflicts remains scarce. this study addresses that gap using data from rounds 7 and 8 of the afrobarometer surveys conducted in nigeria in 2017 and 2020, respectively. specifically, it examines how religious affiliation and the religious composition of an area influence

veterans are disproportionately represented among political elites, and the question of whether military experience shapes their behavior is a central puzzle in the study of international relations. existing theories link military experience with hawkish or dovish foreign policy preferences. rather than determining their positions on the use of force ex ante, we argue that domain-specific knowledge

why do some countries recover swiftly after economic sanctions are lifted, while others face prolonged stagnation? despite extensive research on the initiation and effectiveness of sanctions, their aftermath remains understudied. this study develops a theoretical framework to explain post-sanctions economic recovery, focusing on three key determinants: domestic institutional quality, international

does political violence around election times decrease support for political elites associated with violent actions? we address this question in the understudied context of a mature democracy, where established electoral processes, effective accountability mechanisms, and a vibrant civil society are likely to reduce the appeal of violence. in this context, we hypothesize that political violence during

what explains variation in incumbents’ choice of political violence perpetrators? incumbents often sponsor violence in elections but do not typically engage in it themselves, instead delegating violence to security forces, armed groups, party wings, or regular citizens. existing theory poorly explains such variation, which has privileged incumbents’ incentives to plausibly deny their involvement. this

in democratic settings, election violence is often jointly produced: it relies not only on elite incentives and capacities to deploy violence, but also on the willingness of ordinary actors to participate. yet many studies of election violence overlook this elite–citizen interaction, effectively black-boxing the process through which elites mobilize people to fight. this article introduces and advances

what are the violent repertoires of politics in democracies? we contend that political violence in democratic settings can take many forms. we offer new guidelines and conceptual insights to enhance our understanding of political violence in democracies and promote a more comprehensive study of it. we provide new empirical evidence on patterns of political violence in a polarized democracy, relative

it is well established that democracies experience less political violence than autocracies. paradoxically, however, this widely accepted fact has led scholars to overlook the existence of various forms of political violence within democracies. this special issue introduction article sees political violence as collective violence aimed at achieving political goals, encompassing electoral, ethnic, criminal

does economic development reduce religious conflict? many believe that cleavages and conflict over religion should become less pronounced in developed countries. in this article, we argue that economic development can actually increase the risk of religious conflict by helping create the background conditions that give rise to it. more specifically, when countries devote more economic resources to

international ngos and cross-national scholarship have drawn attention to a type of political violence particularly prevalent in democracies of the global south: the assassination of social activists. we argue that the decentralized yet systematic nature of this targeted, lethal violence requires a theoretical framework and empirical approach addressing subnational dynamics. specifically, we suggest

what is the effect of political violence on electoral support for anti-system parties? we argue that the effect of violence is asymmetric and predominantly benefits nationalist, radical-right parties. posing as defenders of the nation, nationalist parties benefit from violence by their political opponents and violence targeted against perceived threats to the nation. two potential mechanisms underlie

democracies have turned to the militarization of public security as a primary strategy to combat organized crime. mounting evidence demonstrates that this policy results in the escalation of violence and human rights violations. however, militarization continues to enjoy broad public support. widespread citizen support poses a challenge to democracy as it can result in the election and empowerment

how do experiences of violence in war shape ordinary people’s commitment to democratic principles? wars often lead to a temporary suspension of democratic rights, yet extant research suggests that wartime violence can both strengthen and undermine support for democracy. we argue that these effects vary across different dimensions of democracy. drawing on public opinion surveys fielded in ukraine in

in democracies around the world, armed non-state actors often use force to influence the outcome of elections. these actors leverage the threat of violence to deter candidates they oppose and intimidate voters into turning out for politicians they favor. but we know little about when these attempts succeed or fail. i show that the effectiveness of coercive interventions in elections is inhibited by

recent years have witnessed a surprising resurgence of treason accusations in public discourse, despite their rarity in legal prosecutions, particularly within democratic states. this article examines the effects of treason accusations, shifting focus from their causes to their role in shaping political communities and the meaning of allegiance. deploying the term treason has important effects, as

this paper theorizes dissociation as a key but overlooked dynamic in the (re)constitution of international pecking orders. conceptually, dissociation captures how actors look to ensure they are considered separate from, dissimilar, and fundamentally uncomparable to certain “others” with whom comparison is considered undesirable and disempowering. drawing on original archival research, we showcase the

violence against law enforcement by criminal organizations is pervasive in latin america yet largely unexplored. what explains why and where law enforcement is violently attacked, who is targeted, and how they are killed? this article contends that conflicts between criminal organizations incentivize warring organizations to attack law enforcement, particularly local officers, with more brazen violence

exchange rate manipulation—the active devaluation of a currency through intervention in the foreign exchange market—is a frequent trigger of international disputes. yet it is not an obvious policy choice: as a blunt tool to boost export competitiveness, it is disliked by citizens and importers because of the loss of purchasing power it entails, and because it benefits those with investment abroad at

why are some firms more successful than others in obtaining privileged treatment from their government? trade policy, as an unusually targeted tool, offers a rich context to understand such questions of special-interest politics and corporate power. studying decisions on anti-dumping petitions in the united states, we introduce a novel source of privileged treatment. we argue that firms with more linkages

studies have shown how online political communication mobilizes support by appealing to the audience’s emotions. the role of the visual affordances of digital technologies in this process, however, remains insufficiently studied. this paper analyzes visual narratives surrounding international political debates on climate change at the united nations climate change conference of 2021. our findings highlight

how do domestic terrorist attacks in a recipient country influence the inflow of us overseas defense spending (ods)? while extant literature on domestic terrorism has paid great attention to its consequences in areas such as economic development, elections, and authoritarian survival, few studies have studied how domestic terrorism influences cooperation between countries. at the same time, the increasing

in this article, i question a familiar assumption in international relations (ir): that the balance of power and anarchy are mutually reinforcing concepts. i argue instead that this relationship is neither natural nor necessary. modern understandings of anarchy do not reflect timeless features of international politics, but are historically contingent outcomes of changes in how the balance of power

when donors extend foreign aid, they often attach requirements to these funds. while requirements are intended to improve the effectiveness of aid, they also render recipient governments accountable to donors. how does the public in recipient countries view these requirements attached to development finance? we argue that individuals’ assessment of aid requirements is a function of their trust in their

decades of scholarship hold that great powers shore up global confidence during crises with strong demonstrations of resolve. a much smaller literature critiques these assumptions, suggesting that restraint may strengthen confidence. when and why do restraint or resolve reassure, and for whom? in light of russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of ukraine, we appraise early u.s. attempts to reassure allies

motivated by the history of military alliances during and after the cold war, we study the sequential expansion of the hegemonial alliances of two great powers. geography matters for the allocation of the collateral damage of a future military conflict. current frontline countries bear a major burden. they would prefer to pass this collateral damage on to new members. this motive can drive expansion

nationalism is on the rise throughout the world. scholars and practitioners have expressed concern about the effects of rising nationalism on international cooperation, arguing that nationalism poses a risk to the liberal international economic order. other observers maintain that nationalism need not be associated with trade protectionism. yet there has been little cross-country research on the effects

thinkers have offered four theories for the impact of a state’s rising economic development (or riches) on its international warlikeness or proclivity to fight any other state over a dispute. as a state develops it becomes: less warlike; more warlike; first more and then less warlike; or it keeps its warlikeness throughout. most empirical studies treated riches as a control variable. extant results

students of international relations continue to debate the role of power as a cause of conflict. in particular, there exists no consensus about whether power parity or preponderance is more likely to trigger militarized disputes. generally overlooked in this and related controversies is the question of where power is actually exercised. it is widely accepted that a state’s power declines with distance

conflict forecasting has seen two recent developments: a shift to predicting continuous variables and a debate about the value of structural and procedural variables. this paper contributes to these efforts and proposes the category of salience variables in the form of google trends and wikipedia data. internet searches can be precursors of conflict intensity as a result of for example an increase

does u.s. military assistance affect domestic patterns of political violence? military aid can improve the recipient country’s military capacity, but also create an incentive for prolonging conflict to secure future assistance. this moral hazard can manifest by geographically displacing conflict away from military strongholds while demonstrating an aggregate country-wide decrease in levels of violence

in the early 2000s, the murders and disappearances of women happening since the 1990s in ciudad juárez, mexico, became an issue of global concern, sparking—alongside transnational political mobilizations—a breadth of cultural products addressing these killings. this article analyzes global visual arts pieces about feminicide in ciudad juárez to show how artists represented the events through different

the british government’s prevent duty puts a legal obligation on civilians employed in health, education, and social work sectors to “prevent people from being drawn into terrorism.” the policy repurposes safeguarding and duty of care principles embedded within these sectors to establish a regime of control where frontline staff have to take up surveillance duties. given the statutory nature of the

the women, peace, and security (wps) agenda has achieved global prominence. yet, women’s participation in peace negotiations remains rare, and little is known about which factors facilitate their inclusion. quantitative scholarship has been hampered by incomplete data, drawing almost exclusively from prominent negotiations where agreements were reached. to address this shortcoming, we introduce a novel

the main purpose of this retrospective of the economic theory of alliances is to characterize three basic paradigms: purely public deterrence, spatial connectivity, and joint products. for each model, allies’ military expenditure (me) responds differently to the aggregate me of the other allies, known as defense spillins, thereby resulting in diverse burden sharing, allocative implications, membership

since 2016, governments in 77 countries have implemented 1,118 internet shutdowns, revealing a growing trend in the use of ‘digital repression’. governments often justify these shutdowns as necessary for public safety and applied impartially in response to security threats. focusing on india, the country that has enacted the most shutdowns globally, this article explores whether shutdowns instead follow

long after the height of the global decolonization wave that swept the world in the decades following world war ii, there still exists a number of smaller island territories around the world where the full political independence route has not been taken, but where constitutional ties to colonizing states have instead been retained. this has mainly been attributed to a range of observed relative benefits

this article explores the interconnectedness of diverse critical nodes within global capitalism. the crisis of legitimacy facing the liberal international order, combined with the rise of new geopolitical tensions, is analyzed as one facet of a deeper global crisis of hegemony, from which new far-right political forces emerge at the national level. this perspective considers how these seemingly unrelated

to better understand the dynamics between states and international human rights courts, international relations scholars must incorporate a systematic understanding of how nongovernmental rights activists influence the decisions of international human rights courts—for instance, the european court of human rights and the inter-american court of human rights—and the impacts of those decisions on the

the article demonstrates how international relations (ir) as a discipline has failed to sufficiently attend to caste and casteism as matters of crucial significance for analyzing international, transnational, and global politics. despite ongoing initiatives to make ir scholars knowledgeable about and attuned to how issues of race and racism directly impact many of the discipline’s core areas of research

public perceptions of successful military interventions carry high stakes for democratic governance. expectations of success help mobilize support for military action, while political punishment for failure deters elected leaders from starting wars they cannot win. what factors drive public perceptions of success? how susceptible are public perceptions of success to elite manipulation? treating perceptions

this is a lightly edited version of the presidential address i delivered at the sixty-fifth annual convention of the international studies association in san francisco, usa, on april 4, 2024. in this essay, i explore the stories that we tell about the international, and relations, and the possibility of telling different stories—and perhaps the need to tell different stories—in the future. i begin

many immigrants to the united states are victims of crimes that occurred in their home countries. us courts usually will not rule on legal violations that occur outside of us territory. however, starting in 1980, us federal courts sometimes allow foreign nationals to use the alien tort statute to seek civil remedies for international law violations on foreign territory. we argue that these civil remedies

early studies of the effects of covid-19 lockdowns on nonstate actor violence presented competing hypotheses and yielded mixed results. economic arguments primarily claimed that lockdowns would increase violence and implied that their effects would last after lockdowns were lifted. conversely, logistical arguments claimed that lockdowns would decrease violence and that their effects would endure only

fairness perceptions can significantly impact the instigation and resolution of conflicts. to examine how fairness norms shape agreements, we conduct an experiment, where participants first select a preferred rule between equal division, equal gain, and proportional division. when paired with another sharing the same norm, participants decide whether to adhere to the projected division or negotiate

the development of nuclear weapons added a new dimension to conventional conflict: the possibility that it could inadvertently escalate into a nuclear exchange. how does this relationship between conventional war and nuclear escalation shape deterrence? i present a formal model of deterrence and arming. the novelty here is that investing in conventional capabilities has a direct effect on the balance

when is science politicized in the international climate change regime? does greater scientific certainty protect it from becoming politically contentious? i study these questions in the context of the intergovernmental panel on climate change (ipcc), the organization responsible for communicating the global scientific consensus on climate change. using newly digitized data from inter-state negotiations

we use a formal model to explore leaders’ incentives to set climate commitments and subsequently exert downstream mitigation effort. since the paris agreement asks countries to make unilateral voluntary commitments, we investigate the domestic factors motivating climate pledges. we study a country with electoral competition between two parties, green and brown, who first make commitments to reduce

can states improve their international image by apologizing for past wrongs, or do apologies hurt countries’ reputations? we argue that apologizing can boost a country’s international image by providing reassurance about future behavior and conveying appropriate values. yet apologies could also signal weakness, and their international effects could depend on reactions in the sending and receiving countries